Tuesday 18 October 2011

Walk-to-Work has come back at a wrong time as opposition should focus on getting Mbabazi Out

Folks,
Please help me understand how walking will reduce prices. Yes the gov’t have mismanaged the economy and we have also been living on a false economy but walking can’t address these issues. Can it?

Yes we have an incompetent gov’t but don’t think that gov’t is made of other people and the opposition comprised of better people. The issues affecting Uganda go beyond the people in gov’t, we the whole society we are all messed, no single individual does anything write in Uganda. The whole society is a mess and I agree all this mess has been created by NRM but walking to walk will not transform society, KB himself has a petrol station, is he stealing fuel less? How many of those opposition MPs have business, have they reduced the prices?

So there is no quick fix to this problem, all the opposition would do is to put forward credible solutions to these problems. The parliament is the place for this, why did they spend all the energy on oil and not on the economy, can’t they still do the same for the economy. There is also the electricity issue, why can’t they raise these things which have solutions than use things like the economy which are a try and error thing, even these developed economies are struggling.

The last time I read bank of Uganda had raised interest rates, was this the best thing to do, what has KB said about this, has he produced an alternative fiscal policy? What is the shadow cabinet doing?

On the issue of sugar why have those same companies the Madivans who created this mess been allowed to also import forcing those who buy from them still to buy the imported sugar which is more expensive, and has the opposition said anything about this.

Why can’t we call these people in parliament and we ask them some questions, let us look at the accounts. There are ways an opposition can be effective but actually not endangering the lives of our people.

We have kids doing exams, and those in opposition can’t take those demonstrations near schools where their kids go, why then do they think this is the best time to organise something which has not immediate effect than to cause death. Yes we can argue it is the gov’t going to kill demonstrators true but can these demonstrations be organised at the right time, do you have to demonstrate to make your point, aren’t there other ways to do this.

Are you then telling us Museveni’s decision to go to war was the right one when he was not even cheated. Then why then should people say today they were mislead. Don’t you then think today this opposition may actually mislead our vulnerable people who have no hope? Police can’t actually shoot Besigye but they can shoot others to death, so are we saying the life our those who could be got in the cross fire worth less.

There is thinking that actually let us go on the streets then if we are killed the international world will come to our rescue, but haven’t we seen many people where that international world has left people to die. I think it happened in Kenya, and why should we open the imperialism thinking to ourselves when we can actually fight our own wars in our won ways.

No these opposition must think smarter than this and let them not think because they have these posts they have to think for all of us who have even opposed this regime before they even thought of doing so.

It is quite disappointing with the way some of these so call mbu leaders think. Today we have the gov’t on the back foot, people are looking for signatures to censure ministers then you see some who want to take some limelight come up with suicidal moves!

These Activists for change should know that we have the means to open proceeding against them if they lead our people to traps of death. Yes the gov’t would have a case to answer but even those who lead them to that trap must be answerable. If the examinations of our kids are intercepted with these activities still we have the means to seek compensation 

I’m not in doubt of the dire situation we find ourselves in but in seeking solutions we have to look at sustainable ways of doing this.
We can’t disrupt the future of our kids whose parents have toed hard to get these fees and have no other chance maybe to even afford their kids repeating the class.

This is my concern, that the timing is actually very wrong and not that gov’t is not getting bad headlines, it is actually on the back foot not seen before, so why can’t we continue with that momentum. What is being done now is historical and a precedent is being set, we can’t hijack it by killing the gov’t airwaves.

Our MPs both on the sides of the aisle are busy looking at sorting out these corrupt ministers and they will then go for the incompetent one, why don’t we give them chance to do that while we think of plan B. What is the rush really of this W2W?

Don’t think we are not in a dictatorship and when you are in a dictatorship you don’t ask why one shouldn’t be allowed to walk. No one is doing to allow you to walk and if you are to do it you must have plan B of how to counter what they plan to do to you while walking and if you don’t have one then it is really pointless to try. We have a brutal regime who can even use atomic bombs on its people, that is a fact, so don’t expect anything good, and since it is very clear that this brutal regime is going to respond like this, why then take them on when you can take it to the last man, and to be able to do this, one needs the support of the public. And once they don’t come on board then know you are not doing it right. People all want to support these walks and they have been doing so, but when people raise legitimate reason why it should happen now, one has to listen.

Yes we can talk back our country to the jungle days where those who wanted to go to the jungle were viewed as heroes but once they came out, what did they offer?

We can achieve democracy without actually shedding blood and that I know for sure, if we organise ourselves without always a few people wanting to take the headlines. If Museveni didn’t mind about the public opinion, then he would not have robbed banks to buy himself that support, which means he needs the public to be on his side, he knows it well once they are not, even the jets you have are useless.
I always tell people, one has to focus on beating Museveni using his own tricks, it is possible.

We have this corruption campaign, it now Him and Mbabazi against us, so why can’t we take it to the end and see who wins. He says Mbabazi will not leave, and we are saying enough is enough he will leave. Why can we take this fight to the last man before adding on another fight?

Doesn’t KB see that we have a battle ahead of us which we must win at all costs? This economy for a long time has been bad, I’m surprised people are just learning it. But we need that Mbabazi out and we must focus on getting him out and back to Kanungu, if it means him going with Museveni, that is their problem but he must go and let us focus on that for now.

 ISAAC BALAMU
UAH FORUMIST IN LONDON

Monday 17 October 2011

It seems Andrew Mwenda Isn’t ready to become Uganda’s ‘Veronica Guerin’


Andrew Mwenda

Dear folks, What a week! What a month! What a year! Four powerful dictators in Africa have lost their power this year, the ‘Mahogany’(former Vice president) of Uganda selectively tested jail this month, and three powerful cabinet ministers have temporarily resigned their offices to allow the investigation of their hands in National tills over CHOGM and oil scandals. The surprise in all this has been journalist Andrew Mwenda’s public defense of the cabinet ministers involved in the oil corruption scams as he insists that the documents presented in parliament by Gerald Karuhanga, the Youth MP for Western Uganda, were forged. Mwenda and president Museveni hold the same view and have confessed that they have been investigating the matter for a while before the MP broke the camel’s bark.

Given how famous Andrew Mwenda is these days – or infamous, perhaps –it always amazes me how he leaves himself so open to revealing the kind of people he regularly conducts his investigative journalism with. In most of his radio talk shows, the statements such as ‘ when i met Museveni’ or ‘when i met Kagame’…. have become like a paracetamol on a headache. Mwenda expects Ugandans to just believe his words that the documents were forged just because he involved president Museveni and Uganda police in the investigation process. Phew! The documents were revealing information implicating Museveni’s ministers in oil corruption scandals, and the first place Mwenda went to for investigation was Museveni himself. In other words, Mwenda was kind enough to give Museveni a chance to investigate himself before he reports anything to Ugandans. Oh, what a kind man!

It is the job of any good journalist to challenge, question, investigate, and report their findings, but Menda had not reported his findings to us before Honorable Karuhanga blew his whistle in parliament, but he is on record attacking the later for presenting forged documents. Oh, I almost forgot that Mwenda did not want us to know about the ‘forged’ documents.

In this case, the leak has so far caused no harm to the legal or judicial system of Uganda, but imprisonment of any of the three cabinet ministers (Nassasira, Kuteesa, and Mbabazi) could have a chilling effect on journalism’s ability to expose corruption in the country. Honestly, how much information are journalists hiding from us in the name of ‘forgery’ or because they want to protect someone.

The trouble with journalism in Uganda is that it’s too damn polite. It looks like Journalists there fear deadly retributions if they ever dare to report the truth. In all honesty, why would Mwenda sit on such information as a journalist for a long time when he got it, and even dare present it to the head of the ‘executive’ organ of the state that is supposed to be investigated? The whole events symptomise a visualization of the greed and corruption that have taken old of both the executive branch of the government and journalism itself. How we get out of this situation now, i really dont know.

Up to now, we don’t have any journalist in Uganda that has dedicated his life to at least exposing crime and corruption in the country. In Ireland, for instance, they had a lady called Veronica Guerin who was a crime reporter and ended up being murdered by drug lords in 1996. The film ‘Veronica Guerin’ told the story of her brave soul. It broke my heart when I watched it especially in the end when the two bikers working for the ‘mafias’ put 6 bullets in her body when she stopped at a red traffic light. It’s always hurting when you watch a kind and beautiful person die because of what they believe in.
Veronica Guerin, who was shot dead shot dead by the pillion passenger on a motorbike as she stopped at traffic lights in Naas, just outside Dublin, in June 1996 - 

In Mexico, they also had columnist Francisco Arratia Saldierna, a prominent and well-known journalist who wrote a column called Portavoz (or “Spokesman”). The column featured topics such as corruption, organized crime, and drug trafficking. Arratia’s murder was also as brutal as Veronica’s but both murders resulted into change in policy in those areas.

I’m also tempted to mention two lady giants in journalism that were impressive winners of the Courage in Journalism Awards in 2005: there are Shahla Sherkat, who runs a women’s magazine in Iran and Sumi Khan, a Bangladesh journalist who covers crime. When Mwenda started up the ”Independent”, I really thought that his magazine was going to be like Shahla’s. She has been fined for articles she has published, and has been threatened with imprisonment in Iran’s harsh jails, but she never runs to state to investigate itself before she publishes anything as Mwenda has admittedly done.

Sumi is another crime and corruption reporter based in Bangladesh (Chittagong city). In 2004, she was attacked by three men — beaten and stabbed. It was three months before she returned to work, but she never gave in to the system.

To be fair, Mwenda went into that kind of episode initially and he became a hero to many Ugandans, but it now looks like he gave up on people long time ago and decided to do his own ‘’refined’’ investigative form of journalism. He was among the guys that inspired me to start blogging because of the way he analyzed issues yet I don’t have any qualification in journalism. Up to now, i don’t miss any of his radio talk-shows but he has really disappointed me on this one.

Mwenda should never have defended the ministers publicly whatever reservations he had with the documents because the way Ugandans feel about corruption in Museveni’s government is like in the same way Americans felt during Vietnam War and the Watergate scandal. After Vietnam and Watergate, almost every student in USA went to Journalism School convinced that the U.S. Government was corrupt and that s/he would earn a Pulitzer Prize by exposing it. That cynicism about America has never really ended.

Yes, Mwenda is partly right that eagerly publishing forged documents is not “investigative journalism” if the memos content is not verified by second and third sources. But I also believe that verification of the documents becomes difficult if you allow the people being investigated to investigate themselves. Mwenda’s methods are like that of Stalin and Mao who believed that “CRIMES MUST BE HIDDEN,” or else labeled as “heroic deeds.”

Let’s also not forget that “journalism’’ itself is opinion. Most of what Mwenda says or writes in his column is mere speculation clothed in the majesty of journalism, but rife with his personal opinions. Yes, Mbabazi and Kutesa may be innocent but how do we explain the fact that nearly every time a case comes to light involving large-scale fraud or vice or corruption, the duo are playing the lead roles. They seem to be attracted irresistibly to our vices so that they can exploit them and at the same time exacerbate them. They are not worth defending publicly by anybody worth his name.

Because mwenda came out to say that he was the first to land on these documents, some people are unfairly dragging Paul Kagame into this. In any case, Mwenda only revealed the location where he got the documents but he never revealed his source. The location was Nairobi not Kigali. The Oil corruption scandal has put the Museveni government in the spot light. Oil companies are capable of bringing down any government in Africa. Therefore, the government should handle this issue very carefully. It looks like both the cabinet ministers and the oil companies are now blackmailing each other with endless revealations, but oil companies will always be the winners in the end if this situation continues.

Byebyo ebyange banange


Abbey Kibirige Semuwemba

Statistics on International Development 2011

The UK’s Gross Public Expenditure on Development (GPEX) amounted to £9,007m in 2010/11. The DFID aid programme accounted for £7,689m (85%) of this expenditure. GPEX increased to £9,007m in 2010/11 from £7,767m in 2009/10. This represents an increase of £1,240m (16%). Excluding debt relief, GPEX totalled £8,829m in 2010/11; this represents an increase of £1,161m (15%) over the 2009/10 total of £7,668m. In the calendar year 2010 the UK reported £8,452m as Official Development Assistance (ODA), making the UK the 2nd largest OECD-DAC donor on this internationally agreed classification of aid. The UK’s ODA/ GNI ratio for 2010 was 0.57 per cent.

In 2010/11 £4,254m (55%) of the DFID programme was bilateral assistance and £3,222m (42%) was multilateral assistance. The remaining £214m (3%) was spent on administration costs. Of the £4,254m bilateral assistance delivered in 2010/11, 67 per cent (or £2,845m) was spent through DFID’s country programme. DFID’s bilateral expenditure rose to £4,254m in 2010/11 from £3,958m in 2009/10 (a 7% increase).India (£279m), Ethiopia (£251m) and Pakistan (£203m) received the largest amounts of DFID bilateral aid. In 2010/11, DFID provided bilateral assistance to 78 countries, of which 37 countries received direct financial aid. The total DFID bilateral assistance to these 37 countries was £2,271m. When humanitarian assistance is excluded, DFID bilateral assistance to these 37 countries represented 85 per cent of DFID country specific bilateral aid.
http://www.dfid.gov.uk/Documents/publications1/sid2011/SID-2011.pdf 

The Impact of Climate Change in Africa

This paper is concerned with the fact that African nations are among the lightest polluters, yet analysts say they will suffer the most from climate change in their pursuit of water and food security, sustainable development, and political and economic sustainability. Therefore the paper reviews the relationships among climate change, water and food security, conflicts, and development. It also argues that there is a need for climate change information in Africa and reviews the status of international climate agreements related to adaptation, mitigation and compensation. In addition, the paper argues that even if climate change by its nature may not necessarily lead to violent interstate conflicts, scarcity of water and food in Africa has already nurtured political tensions among nations, thus retarding efforts towards sustainable development. http://www.iss.co.za/uploads/Paper220.pdf

Report of the Global Commodities Forum 2011

Commodities are at the heart of development. They are key export products for a large number of developing countries and have direct impacts on employment, rural poverty, and food and energy security. Recent events such as the food price crises of 2008 and 2010 - 11 have served as potent reminders of the impact of trends in the commodities markets not only on global economic growth, but on the long-term development prospects of low-income commodity-dependent developing countries and the survival of millions of their nationals – the so-called commodities problématique.

Markets allow for the efficient processes of price discovery and risk mitigation. In the last decade, however, these markets have undergone a sea change. Massive inflows of capital have led to a process of financialization whereby the operations of actual physical traders have become dwarfed by those of financial traders. Coinciding with a time of high instability in commodity prices, this process has generated a lively debate on the extent to which commodity price movements are directed by financial speculation rather than supply and demand fundamentals. The food price crises of 2008 and 2010 - 11, in particular, have drawn the world’s attention to this issue.
http://www.unctad.org/en/docs/suc2011d5_en.pdf 

World Investment Report 2011

The World Investment Report 2011 forecasts that, barring any economic shocks, FDI flows will recover to pre-crisis levels over the next two years. The challenge for the development community is to make this anticipated investment have greater impact on our efforts to achieve the Millennium Development Goals.

In 2010 – for the first time – developing economies absorbed close to half of global FDI inflows. They also generated record levels of FDI outflows, much of it directed to other countries in the South. This further demonstrates the growing importance of developing economies to the world economy, and of South-South cooperation and investment for sustainable development.

Increasingly, transnational corporations are engaging with developing and transition economies through a broadening array of production and investment models, such as contract manufacturing and farming, service outsourcing, franchising and licensing. These relatively new phenomena present opportunities for developing and transition economies to deepen their integration into the rapidly evolving global economy, to strengthen the potential of their home-grown productive capacity, and to improve their international competitiveness.
http://www.unctad-docs.org/UNCTAD-WIR2011-Full-en.pdf 

Libya - International Stabilisation Response Team (ISRT)

The purpose of this report is to capture the ISRT’s fact-finding and analysis for rapid use by Libyan leaders and organisations and the international community. The International Stabilisation Response Team (ISRT), Libya was following a side meeting of the second Contact Group on Libya held in May 2011. The Contact Group recognised that it is for the people of determine their own solution to the current crisis and to articulate their own a peaceful future Libya. The NTC is widely accepted by the people in liberated areas as the caretaker authority. Sustaining this will be critically dependent on continued progress of the uprisings, extensive dialogue with the population controlled areas and increasing the NTC’s reach across Libya. http://www.dfid.gov.uk/Documents/publications1/libya-isrt-June2011.pdf 

Saving lives, preventing suffering and building resilience

This document is the British Government’s new humanitarian policy. It sets out how the UK will help build resilience to future disasters and respond to humanitarian need created by conflict and natural disasters. 

The policy commits the British Government to build resilience in all countries where it works and recognises the importance of anticipation, humanitarian leadership and innovation. It also outlines the UK’s ambition to work with others to find new ways of acting quickly in "slow onset" disasters to stop them becoming major emergencies. It highlights the UK’s commitment to the principle of delivering aid according to need and need alone.

Climate change radio advocacy, rethinking our future: project completion report

This document report on the successful implementation in Gambia of the climate talk, a radio advocacy program which was intended to raise awareness, promote public participation and access to information on climate change issues and helped paved the way for concrete debate on climate issues and its impact in the country. 

Within a period of 12 months, the project was able to carry out 22 panel discussions involving stakeholders from policy level, NGOs to local communities. Interviews with 200 people including local farmers, fishermen, taxi drivers, university students and lecturers were also carried out, enabling them to share their knowledge, understanding or in some cases their coping mechanism of the effect of climate change. The project paid a particular emphasis on local communities' adaptation efforts and knowledge on climate change adaptation, which for far too long was under-utilised or not considered in climate change policy formulation at the national level

Somalia: A man-made famine

Droughts can be mitigated and controlled when a nation has a functioning government. Somalia has not had a functioning central government for more than twenty years. Armed groups -- including the militant group Al Shabab - restricted the international community's access to wide swathes of the country they controlled. Aid agencies struggled to safely reach people inside the country to provide them with assistance. It is also donor governments' own restrictions on aid delivery that have further hampered the international community's ability to respond to the famine, resulting in unnecessary human suffering. Within southern and central Somalia, there are actors unaffiliated with Al Shabab with whom aid organizations can work. But in the areas firmly under Al Shabab's control, the U.S. and other donor governments have to trust that experienced aid organizations will do everything possible to ensure that aid reaches that vulnerable population without significant diversion. http://www.huffingtonpost.com/michel-gabaudan/somalia-a-manmade-famine_b_910809.html 

Emerging practices in participatory poverty reduction in China

This special issue of Participatory Learning and Action (PLA) reflects on the journey towards participatory approaches in poverty reduction in China, focusing in particular on the transformations at the interface between the government and rural communities. The issue discusses why and how participatory approaches have been introduced, and why these approaches are useful for addressing issues of poverty in China. The articles show how development and poverty approaches continue to evolve in the specific Chinese political context and its ongoing governance changes, and in line with China’s unique ability to experiment with and pilot new approaches, pragmatically using international experience. This issue draws on case studies from internationally funded projects, including the Poor Rural Communities Development Project (PRCDP). It also includes other articles on participation in China, as well as relevant resources and tips for trainers.

Building Security: A Contribution to the Debate on Security Policy

Building Security describes that today’s security policy priorities in actual fact may be undermining opportunities for achieving a sustainable peace and security for all. This is particularly clear in the wake of the events of 9/11 and the so-called ‘war on terror’. Military actions are often prioritized the female part of the population are put further down the security policy agenda. http://www.kvinnatillkvinna.se/sites/default/files/Building_Security_webb.pdf 

World Development Report 2012: Gender Equality and Development

The lives of girls and women have changed dramatically over the past quarter century. The pace of change has been astonishing in some areas, but in others, progress toward gender equality has been limited - even in developed countries.

This year's World Development Report: Gender Equality and Development argues that gender equality is a core development objective in its own right. It is also smart economics. Greater gender equality can enhance productivity, improve development outcomes for the next generation, and make institutions more representative.

The Report also focuses on four priority areas for policy going forward: (i) reducing excess female mortality and closing education gaps where they remain, (ii) improving access to economic opportunities for women (iii) increasing women's voice and agency in the household and in society and (iv) limiting the reproduction of gender inequality across generations.
http://econ.worldbank.org/WBSITE/EXTERNAL/EXTDEC/EXTRESEARCH/EXTWDRS/EXTWDR2012/0,,contentMDK:23004468~pagePK:64167689~piPK:64167673~theSitePK:7778063,00.html 

Friday 14 October 2011

Somalia: Aid agencies have scaled up efforts since the end of August

Aid agencies have been able to scale up activities in the last few weeks, despite widespread insecurity and restricted access to people in some parts of the country. The latest reports estimate that around two million people have now received food and other assistance since the famine was declared in July. This is a significant increase since August, when about 1.3 million people were receiving.

Innovative and sustainable housing solutions: Celebrating 25 years of the World Habitat Awards

This publication showcases a range of innovative and sustainable housing and habitat solutions from around the world as the Building and Social Housing Foundation celebrates the 25th anniversary of the World Habitat Awards. The publication features an analysis of key housing trends over the last 25 years, case studies highlighting award-winning practices, details of initiatives to promote the transfer of knowledge and good practice and a searchable index of previous winners and finalists of the Awards.

Levels & Trends in Child Mortality: 2011

The United Nations Inter-agency Group for Child Mortality Estimation (IGME) updates child mortality estimates annually for monitoring progress. This report presents the IGME’s latest estimates of under-five, infant and neonatal mortality and assesses progress towards MDG 4 at the country, regional and global levels.

What is the evidence of the impact of microfinance on the well-being of poor people?

The authors conclude that impact evaluations of microfinance tend to have low internal validity, not allowing for strong conclusions. While acknowledging that they treated the included studies very critically, they argue that there is no good evidence for the beneficent impact of microfinance on the well-being of poor people.

Two randomised controlled trials (RCTs) conducted in India and South Africa yield no convincing evidence on the positive impact of microfinance interventions on well-being. Microfinance interventions have an impact on business activities, but they affect well-being only indirectly. These RCTs find very few impacts on health, education and subjective well-being, or indirect indicators of well-being such as income or consumption expenditures. In conclusion, the evidence from the RCTs on the impact of microfinance interventions on the well-being of the poor is limited and inconclusive.

Dilemmas of Intervention Social Science for Stabilization and Reconstruction

Governments intervening in post-conflict states find themselves beset with numerous challenges and profound dilemmas: It is often unclear how best to proceed because measures that may improve conditions in one respect may undermine them in another. This volume reviews and integrates the scholarly social-science literature relevant to stabilization and reconstruction (S&R), with the goal of informing strategic planning at the whole-of-government level. The authors assert that S&R success depends on success in each of four component domains — political, social, security, and economic; the authors discuss each domain separately but emphasize their interactions and the idea that the failure of any component can doom S&R as a whole. The authors also focus on a number of dilemmas that intervenors in post-conflict states face — such as between short- and long-term goals and whether to work through or around the state's central government — and suggest how these dilemmas can be confronted depending on context. http://www.rand.org/content/dam/rand/pubs/monographs/2011/RAND_MG1119.pdf 

The State of Food Insecurity in the World: How does international price volatility affect domestic economies and food security?

Food price volatility featuring high prices is likely to continue and possibly increase, making poor farmers, consumers and countries more vulnerable to poverty and food insecurity, the United Nations' three Rome-based agencies said in the global hunger report.

Small, import-dependent countries, particularly in Africa, are especially at risk. Many of them still face severe problems following the world food and economic crises of 2006-2008, the UN Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), the International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD) and the World Food Programme (WFP) said in "The State of Food Insecurity in the World 2011" (SOFI), an annual flagship report which they jointly produced this year.
http://www.fao.org/docrep/014/i2330e/i2330e.pdf 

Male circumcision for prevention of homosexual acquisition of HIV in men (Review)

The review employs clear inclusion criteria, and the authors conducted a comprehensive search. But although they use appropriate methods for analysis, there are some limitations. Of greatest importance, the evidence included in the review is described as ‘observational’, but, as the authors note, they do not assess confounding, which is the principle source of bias in this evidence, adequately. The authors acknowledge the limitation of the evidence, and they do not draw any strong policy conclusion. http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1002/14651858.CD007496.pub2/pdf 

The digital revolution and higher education

Three-in-ten American adults (29%) say a course taken online provides an equal educational value to one taken in a classroom. By contrast, fully half of college presidents (51%) say online courses provide the same value. More than three-quarters of the nation's colleges and universities now offer online classes, according to the survey of college presidents, and about one-in-four college graduates (23%) have taken a course online, according to the general public survey. Among those who have graduated in the past decade, the figure rises to 46%. Adults who have taken a course online have a somewhat more positive view of the value of this learning format: 39% say a course taken online provides the same educational value as one taken in person, a view shared by only 27% of those who have not taken an online course.

Making globalization socially sustainable

There is a shared sense that globalization is a powerful engine that has already contributed to lifting many out of poverty and that, if properly harnessed, could further promote growth and development to the benefit of all. For many years, however, concerns have been raised regarding certain effects of globalization on jobs, wages, and job insecurity.

In this context, a number of observers have come to question the sustainability of globalization from a social point of view. Calls for a more inclusive globalization have become more frequent, but only a few concrete proposals have been put forward. This book aims at contributing to the elaboration of relevant policy proposals to make globalization socially sustainable.

Is business the new aid?

The Western-dominated development community has - where it has thought about business - tended traditionally to focus on “obligation” (controlling a fundamentally "problematic" private sector), rather than on “opportunity” (thinking about how business can contribute to core development objectives). Yet enterprise - the private sector and the opportunities it creates - is the only long-term strategy for development. The NGO sector is making this shift too. Oxfam, CARE and FARM-Africa, are just three stand-out examples of NGOs that have been proactively engaging in this agenda, from supporting small farmers and micro-entrepreneurs to partnering with large companies to advance development goals.

In Korea in just over a month, world donors will be coming together to discuss how to improve “aid effectiveness” – but in fact what they really should be talking about is how to improve “development effectiveness." And the donor agencies participating should not see themselves as aid agencies, but as “development agencies."

Commonwealth interim statement on Cameroon 2011 presidential elections

Team led by Frederick Mitchell MP, former Foreign Affairs Minister for The Bahamas
A Commonwealth Expert Team has issued an interim statement on the presidential election in Cameroon, which took place on 9 October 2011.
The Team was constituted at the invitation of the Minister of External Relations of Cameroon.
The Team of six experts, supported by a four-member staff team from the Commonwealth Secretariat, are led by Frederick Mitchell MP, former Foreign Affairs Minister for The Bahamas.
The mandate of the Team is to observe the preparations for the election; the polling, counting and results process; and the overall electoral environment. The team is to assess the overall conduct of the process and make appropriate recommendations for the future strengthening of the electoral process in Cameroon.
Click here for the Interim Statement.
The Team arrived in Yaoundé on 3 October 2011.
The full composition of the Commonwealth Expert Team is as follows:
Fred Mitchell (Chair)
Former Foreign Minister 
The Bahamas
Gabrielle Giroday
Journalist
Winnipeg Free Press
Canada

Samuel Tembenu
Lawyer and former President, Malawi Law Society
Malawi
Irfan Abdool Rahman
Electoral Commissioner 
Mauritius
Ambassador Bariyu Adekunle Adeyemi
Former Diplomat
Nigeria

Dr Tumelontle Thiba 
Provincial Electoral Officer
North West Province 
South Africa
The Commonwealth Secretariat support staff team is led by Linford Andrews, Political Affairs Officer in the Political Affairs Division.
The Commonwealth observed the 1997 Presidential Elections and the 2002 Municipal and Legislative Elections in Cameroon. The Commonwealth also observed the 2004 Presidential Elections. A Commonwealth Assessment Team was present for the 2007 Parliamentary Elections.
Note to Editors:
The Team’s report will be submitted to the Commonwealth Secretary-General, who will then in turn send it to the Government of Cameroon, Elections Cameroon (ELECAM), and Commonwealth governments.
The Expert Team will act impartially and independently and shall conduct itself according to the standards expressed in the International Declaration of Principles for Election Observation to which the Commonwealth is a signatory.
For media enquiries, please contact:
In Cameroon: Linford Andrews, Political Affairs Officer, on tel: +44 (0)752-5392-496, +237 96001541 or e-mail: l.andrews@commonwealth.int
In London: Julius Mucunguzi, Communications Officer and Assistant Spokesperson for Africa on e-mail: j.mucunguzi@commonwealth.int or tel: +44-7894-593-517.
--
Rehema
Patriot in Kampala,East Africa

When the boot of government is on your neck,it doesn't matter if it's left or right. Today is Buganda, tomorrow is some one else. Sing Buganda National Anthem with me by clicking here: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tER8-8gM8KU

Broadband Strategies Handbook : Building a Broadband World

The Broadband Strategies Handbook is a guide for policy-makers, regulators, and other relevant stakeholders as they address issues related to broadband development. It aims to help readers, particularly those in developing countries, by identifying issues and challenges in broadband development, analyzing potential solutions to consider, and providing practical examples from countries that have addressed broadband-related matters.