Friday, 16 December 2011

The Most Random Beautiful Uganda Women Revealed


Aisha Ismail

She is married, living in Kampala and born on 27th Decemeber. She is a member of 'Uganda Muslim Brothers & Sisters( UMBS) on facebook
Aisha Rashid Lukwago
 She is a manager at a clinic on AIDS research owned by Dr. Rashid Lukwago. She has got tow degrees from both Islamic University of Uganda and University of Manila

Brenda Nabukenya
She is a dietician at NDC in Kampala and a member of 'Ugandans At Heart' forum.

Nakishimail Aisha

She works at UMEME offices. She is an OG of both Kibuli .S.S and Mbogo High School. She graduated from MUBS. She is also a member of 'Uganda Muslim Brothers & Sisters(UMBS).

Eva Rukikaire Mwine
She is one of the daughters of former cabinet minister, Mathew Rukikaire. She is married to Winston Mwine. She owns Travel and Tour agency in Kampala.
Fatimyu Yusuf Ashuariah 
She is a an OG of Taiba Secondary School and Green Hill Academy. She is also a member of 'UMBS'

Aaliyah Sharif


She is a Ugandan originally from Jinja but lives in London.She is married and a member of UMBS

Baariann Nyanjura
She is a model and a member of 'Ugandans At Heart' Forum
Angella Katatumba

She is musician and a daughter to the famous Bonny Katatumba. She is a graduate of Oxford Brooks University.
Vicky Ruth
She is a graduate of Makerere University and a member of UAH.
Afrah Mahmoud Saad
She is a member of UMBS. She works at Metropolitan Forex Bureau and she is an OG of Kibuli .S.S and MUBS.

Dr.  Alie Rugaya
She is a member of UMBS and studied medicine at  Krishna Institute of Medical Sciences
Aisha Basajabalaba

She is a daughter of Kampala Tycoon, Hassan Basajjabalaba. She is married and studied at Kampala International university
Safah Abdallah
She is a member of UMBS and works at Uganda parliament offices.She is a graduate of Islamic University of Uganda
Fatuma Nagujja.She is a member of UMBS. She is also OG of both Kawempe Muslim school and Kyambogo University. She is a resident of Seeta in Mukono.
Mpungu Afrah. She is a member of UMBS and resides in London, United Kingdom.
Brenda Kiberu Kalema. She is an OG of Kibuli High School. She used to be the treasurer for the famous Uganda organization in North America called UNAA. She is a graduate of Wayne State University and lives in USA.
She is a FDC political activist and a member of UAH forum. She has been in prison more times than any other Ugandan lady for fighting for human rights and freedom of Ugandans.
Mrs.Rashidah Nassali Mutebi. She is the Secretary for UMBS in Uganda. She is a graduate of Makerere University.She is married to Mr.Mutebi Hamza who is based in London
Iryn Namubiru is a musician in Kampala.She had her education at Mityana Senior Secondary School , then she continued to Bugema Adventist (She says that there was a lot singing going on) and then she continued to Namasagali College .
Julian Kanyomozi is also a musician in Kampala.She is a female artist behind tracks like Say Yes, Nabikoowa and Nkulinze.
 Zuena Kirema is married to Musician, Bebe Cool.
 
Zari Hussein is a Ugandan socialite, businesswoman and budding musician  based in South Africa. She is 31 years old and a mother to three kids.
Doreen Baingana is a multiple-award winning Ugandan author, who is based in Washington, USA. She won the 2003 Associated Writing Programs Award for Short Fiction for her short story collection, Tropical Fish: Stories out of Entebbe. She is also the winner of the 2004 Washington Independent Writers Fiction Prize, and was a two-time finalist for the Caine Prize for African Writing, in 2004 and 2005. Her most recent award is the Commonwealth Writers' Prize for The Best First Book Award in the Africa region for Tropical Fish: Stories Out of Entebbe. Incidentally, Baingana is also a columnist for the African Woman Magazine and is a member of the Ugandan women writers association, FEMRITE.

Saturday, 10 December 2011

Uganda does not need Multi parties at the moment


Hello Ugandans at heart,

UPC, DP, PPP, NRM, CP, JEEMA, FDC, JF, UGP, NDF (plus Vicks Kingo!) and on and on…probably heading for the 623 of the evening of Mobutu’s Zaire, when that country was the most vibrant multiparty democracy in the world.  But the question is, where does factionalism end and where does pluralism begin? When one looks at the random harvest of Uganda’s political elite, all one sees are individuals that are exactly the same, but struggling to be different. They struggle to differ because of the narrowness of the ‘panya’ that leads to the coveted throne where some ruling clique of the day dishes out patronage, lubricated mostly unearned income that is tossed at us in form of aid. 

 Let us take a closer look at Uganda’s demographics.  We are just over 30 million.  Of that, about 27 million, i.e., 90% are peasants.  Let us take another country like France in the past.  In 1789 on the eve of that country’s revolution, the French were 25 million and of that, 23 million i.e., 90% were peasants.  Yes, one could argue that, that was France, and the year was 1789. In other words: different locales, different epochs. But in socio-historical terms, Uganda 2008 = France 1789: 90% peasants and that tells a huge story about our capabilities across the board. 

 But of course you know that when France had the same proportion of peasants like we do now, they did not have political parties. Is it because the French were blind to the virtues of pluralism, and we, Uganda are cleverer? Is it a historical accident that when the earlier modernisers had similar demographics like Uganda’s now they were ruled by monarchs (Mono: single person; archs: rulers)? And I am not a monarchist please….but, with our 90% peasants, the rest being – let us be honest – a lumpen bourgeoisie, a functional liberal democracy seems to be a negative dream in Uganda, as the purposeless jostling between and within our factions clearly demonstrates. 

Attempting to cheat social development will not take us anywhere, because the gravitational pull of our social reality seems to always pull us towards our historical station: mediaevalism: 20, 30, 40 yrs in power by the rulers, just like the Hapsburgs and Tudors; and Hohenzollerns and Shoguns of the earlier modernisers.
 Historically, political parties have always emerged as structures for forming and conveying group interests in VERTICALLY DIFFERENTIATED SOCIETIES whose structure is the outcome of the transformation engendered by the industrial and agricultural revolutions.

  In societies where political parties emerge, wage labourers at the base, bureaucratic elites in the middle and merchants, owners of capital, financiers, industrialists and land at the top (I am reminded here that, 70% of the land in Britain is owned by 0.7% of the population).  In that kind of set up, a labourer in a factory will not give a damn about the ethnicity of a factory manager.  What the wage labourer wants is a decent minimum wage, low income tax and acceptable working conditions.  The head of his trade union can be any religion or lineage, as long as he is vocal enough to squeeze maximum benefits from the factory owner. 

In those societies, political parties are nothing but the committees that manage the interests of those classes.  For example in Britain which colonised us, the interests of the top third are taken care of by the Conservatives, those of the middle third by the Liberal Democrats (the fence sitters) and those of the bottom third are managed by the Labour Party.  Tell us: whose class interests do UPC or DP or PPP or NRM or CP or JEEMA or FDC or JF or UGP or NDF etc manage? Whose interests does UAH's Nzaana,Abbey Semuwemba, Ochieno, Wambuga, Nsubuga part I, Nsubuga Part II, Nsubuga, Adhola and…..er, L/Cpl Otto represent? Do we speak for wage labourers, landlords, financiers or what? Which class do we speak for?

 Uganda now is a society that is HORIZONTALLY DIFFERENTIATED. The only groups known to the predominant ‘class’ (the 90% peasants) in Uganda are ethnicities, clans, sub clans, lineages, families, castes etc. The consciousness of the 10% (or even less) pseudo elite (one of whom you and I are) is false consciousness arising from what we see across the fence in the global north.

 Now; people, when you impose the structures of interest aggregation and articulation of vertically differentiated polities onto horizontally differentiated countries like Uganda, IT IS AS IF YOU ARE FORCING A PAWPAW TREE TO GROW LIKE A PUMPKIN.  That tree will either die off outright, or become a disastrous weed as it struggles to conform to alien territory: the undulating contours of that horizontal social template of pre-industrialism.  This is what Mr Adhola tries to rationalise by stating that, I quote, ‘This is what UPC and DP for instance are about. DP seeks to improve the status of status of the identity of catholics, and UPC that of certain nationalities or tribes.’ That sums up the basic pathology of Uganda’s politics today.  Uganda with political parties is like a porcupine in a kanzu. 

 The fact is that, political parties are not merely creatures of, but are an upshot of industrialism.  We are not there.  What political dispensation propelled the industrial, vertically differentiated polities to liberalism? It was not multipartyism! Just like a pawpaw tree cannot grow like a pumpkin, or ‘’kalitusi’’ cannot grow like ‘’lumonde’’, liberal democracy cannot thrive in our mediaeval conditions.  We may need to go back to the drawing board!…..Look at what other preindustrial countries had to do to create the infrastructure for liberal democracy.

L/Cpl (rtd) Otto Patrick
UAH FORUMIST

Why can’t UPDF be like Kenya’s forces in terms of structure?

Folks,
The information we are seeking should be public as is the case in Kenya. No secrets are being spilled if UPDF were to come forward and state that the chain of command in the military is so and so.

In Kenya the structure is very clear for all. The overall Army boss is the Chief of General Staff (CGS), deputized by the vice CGS and then Army Commander, then Deputy Army Commander/Airforce/Navy chiefs. UPDF should do away with the chief of staff and go the Kenyan way with CGS. Army chief of staff in Kenya-may be there but-is not listed among the senior ranks of the army. CGS is the overall CGS for all units, army, air force and navy. In Uganda we have individual chief of staff for army (Lt Gen. Koreta), air force and so on. Now can anyone tell me how an army chief of staff is senior to the Commander of the army? This contradicts the statements made by some people that General Koreta is senior to General Katumba the land army commander!

The media should tell Major Kulayigye to learn from Kenya where he just returned from some course. He should know by now that the man who was head of the staff college he attended in Karen, Lt Gen Tuwei (a Kalenjin) was recently named Army Commander to replace General Njoroge. He is now the 3rd ranking army officer. There is clarity in Kenya which is lacking in Uganda I guess for obvious reasons.

Do the media ever ask questions to govt spokespeople or they simply take their press releases and print it? Do the media or assigned reporters ever ask the police spokesperson questions on record? What about Major Kulayigye? Do defence or amy ever hold press conferences? And if they do, have the papers and FM stations assigned reporters to cover the army, police etc? Well we have been told that UPDF is open so why not ask them to send the media houses press releases if they are too busy to talk to the media about the chain of command in descending order?

Sometime back, there was talk of reforming UPDF. What I am saying is that the current structure may not be the best. I prefer the Kenya structure for its clarity and effectiveness. In Kenya at least, the Army Commander is 3rd in seniority. That much is clear. Kenya has tried to rotate the CGS among the three units Army (current), Navy (immediate former) and Airfoce (next if rotation stays).

Kenya also has a set ratio in terms of military promotions. The ratio that must be followed is 7:2: 1 in favour of Army, Airforce and Navy respectively. I suspect that is what makes the army commander a grade above the other service commander. Is there such a ratio in Uganda?

We are interested in debating the national defence policy. Certainly UPDF could do better. Again, I use the Kenyan example. CGS serves for one 4 year term and goes home. The President may extend that if need be, but it has served the military well. All senior commanders must also retire by the age of 58. That age limit means that the recently named army commander will have to retire in 2 years. The clarity makes it easier for others to emerge and lead.

Now compare that with Uganda where people come in and out. What was the status of late Kazini for example? This business of Katebe should be ended.

I personally know a senior UPDF officer-will not say rank-who is well educated but he has stuck in the ranks for years. He wants to leave but they won’t let him go home. And yes, the chap is from South Western Uganda.

If you checked the Kenyan DOD, there are no army chiefs of staff anywhere so they must be lower the chain.

W.B.KYIJOMANYI
UAH FORUMIST IN NEWYORK

Late Kazini did not deserve to be a UPDF General! UPDF VS Kenya forces

There is the link to the Uganda MOD where the details of the UPDF can be found.  The information appears to be in the public domain: Link: http://www.defenceuganda.mil.ug/about_updf.php?status=true

The link for the Army, which you Ugandans have elected to call the Land Forces is: http://www.defenceuganda.mil.ug/landforce.php?status=true..



Of course Uganda is a land-locked country, so reference to ‘Marines’ is a misnomer.  Our geography has nothing to do with the sea.  May they should have referred to ‘Amphibious’ or ‘Lake-borne’
Note that, in terms of doctrine, whether organisational or tactical, Uganda has borrowed from Tanzania.  Even when you look at Kenya, we need to be clear about the structure.  The heads of the services (Army, Airforce, Navy) are respectively called Commanders, they are all at the same level, falling directly under the CGS–>VCGS.

In Uganda, instead of ‘General Staff’ you refer to Defence Forces.  Gen Aronda is the CDF (equiv of CGS) and Gen Koreta is the Deputy CDF (equiv of VCGS).  Gen. Koreta is not the Chief of Staff of the Army as you indicate.  The army has its own command structure as a service with Gen Katumba as the commander.  The same applies with the Airforce where there is a commander.  Each of the Services has its chief of staff.  The Joint Chief of Staff, Brig. Rusoke oversees the chiefs of staff of the services, and not the service commanders.  The service commanders are answerable to the CDF through the Deputy CDF, just like in Kenya.

Gen Koreta, the Deputy CDF is senior to the respective service commanders (Katumab for the Army, Owoyesigire for the Ariforce)….no contradiction there.

Whether Kenya mentions its chiefs of staffs or not is a matter of preference but I am sure they do exist there too and operate in a similar manner.  I think all you Ugandans have not done is to draw an organogram like Kenya has done.

Note that, for Kenya some people refer to the Army Commander as the third highest ranking but that is not the case.  All service commanders are at the same level…they are peers (see this link: http://www.mod.go.ke/Modsite/about.htm)

But even,  all this debate about structure and personalities really takes us into the weeds: bottom line, it is trivial in regard the defence and security of Uganda.  Can’t you at UAH, some aspiring to be future party leaders and probably future presidents of the country etc be interested in debating the country’s national security/defence policy?

As you can see, that information is there on the net, like most other information.   We do ourselves a disservice when we start from the negative position  that information is being concealed, because then we generate unnecessary defensiveness and contestation from colleagues like Kateregga, who unfortunately browbeats himself through debates without informing himself first about the issues he tries to defend.
But the question of Uganda’s institutional realities: Institutions are a mirror image of the societies that they service.  How institutions function (and malfunction) is a culmination of historical factors, and a distillate of political realities.  It may be a bit unrealistic for us to take the Kenyan arrangement as the norm for all time and all places.  One may ask for example, why is it that following the 1964 mutiny of the East African militaries, did Mr Nyerere disarm, lock up and finally disband the Tanganyika Rifles completely, then Mr Kenyatta did the same but not as comprehensively yet Mr Obote decided to honour all the demands of the mutineers, increased their salaries, gave them promotions; dismissed the ringleaders and reinstated them half an hour later?  Part of what we see today has roots right there in our history.

How many civil wars has Kenya or Tanzania had?  Do those countries have the equivalent of Buganda, as an ‘indigestible element’ in national life, to use Huntington’s words in his ‘Political Order in Chaging Societies’?  How many times since 1964 has the Kenyan military been disbanded; and how about Uganda? How many rebel groups has Kenya had?  Uganda…anything up to thirty.  Co-opting all those for the sake of short term harmony has always been at the expense of professionalism.  The Katebe ‘institution’ is an embodiment of some fo those skeletons in the closet of our politcal history.

Think of a peace agreement tomorrow, and you have a Lt Gen Kony.  Atamuweka wapi?  Will he command a division?  Will you send him out as a military attache in a European capital?  Can he be the commandant of your senior staff college?  What are the antecendents of the Kony phenomenon?  It is your politics!  Keep such people out because you want professionalism a la Kenya, face them in the rural countryside as rebels.  Point is, Kenya has had a completely different historical trajectory.

How about coups? Late Kazini’s status: Have you heard of any former Army Commander in Africa being taken to prison for stealing a few shillings?  Kazini, Major General, S.3 dropout.  Otamuweka wapi?  Tanzanian retired generals are diplomats, regional governors,etc.  Can you trust Kazini with your herd of goats?  How did such an individual like Kazini become the embodiment of the values of a very important national instituion? I am told he still had some cases to answer for petty thieving.  You know, when he was in Nigeria for senior command training, those officers there always wondered how he became a general.  When they went out to look for ladies, Kazini would go in for those that befitted Nigerian Corporals! When he went to Ghana for a staff course, he nad a runin with an instructor.  He was thrown off the course, escorted back to Uganda by the Ghanaian Military Police paka Entebbe, then they heard he was Chief of Staff, then Army Commander!  Did they laugh or cry?

And with Kazini, when you talk to the average UPDF soldier, he will tell that if all he had left in his rifle were only two rounds of ammunition, and he found Kazini, Kony and Odhiambo in a dark corner, he would shoot Kazini twice in the head………

General Kazini….two words that are a heart-rending oxymoron!
Anyway as I said, ever since 1979, Uganda has tended to lean towards Tanzania in the manner of organising the military…for obvious reasons.  Even subsequently when you did away with NRA, you opted for UPDF…mirroring TPDF.   To appreciate the Uganda military arrangements, look at TPDF.

And by the way, the Tanzanians (and anybody else) would tell you that the Kenyan system is the one that is confused.  Kenya lacks the conceptual grasp between ‘Command’ matters, i.e., everything to do with the general directing of operational matters (the teeth) and ‘Staff’ matters i.e., everything to do with directing support matters (the tail).  The Joint Chief of staff in Tanzania is actually called the Chief of General Staff…he is incharge of Staff Officers that support the commanders.  Kenyans call their biggest commander a ‘chief of staffs’ which is really funny….like referring to a headmaster as a head prefect. 

With the Tanzanians, the Chief of Staff is of a higher rank than the respective service commanders, making him the third most senior.  The Tanzanians are also silent about the chiefs of staff of the respective services.

At UAH, we should really focus also on policy and statecraft issues.  This is where the future of the country can best be thought about instead of spending a lot of time on recrimination, defensiveness and making comical promises.  I will send you the country’s defence policy and the white paper on defence…..it is in such areas that incumbents should be put to task for the good of the country, not just hurling insults at them like we like to do here at UAH.

OTTO PATRICK

UPDF is certainly better than Obote and Amin’s armies

Fellow Ugandans,

Gen. Yoweri K. Museveni and Gen. Salim Saleh are retired. Gen. David Tinyefuza hails from Ssembabule District, Buganda region other than Ankole sub region. There was a time when the Army Commander was Al Haji Lt. Gen. Abubaker Jeje Odong and Inspector General of Police was Cossy Odomel and nobody raised a finger. Ankole in particular and Western Uganda in general is not one tribe or ethnicity. Ankole is a product of 1001 Agreement. Prior to that it was made up of kingdoms of Nkore (Kaarokarungi or present day Mbarara, Nyabushozi, including Kazo, and Kashaari. Other kingdoms were Igara, Shema, Buhweju and even Mporororo where President Museveni and Col.Kizza Besigye come from. In all these kingdoms, there were Bahima pastoralists and Bairu cultivators, and a few others. Banyaruguru just like Batagwenda in Tooro, were originally Baganda. Bukanga county is predominantly Baganda especially Bakooki. Isingiro and Kajara also have a reasonable number of Baganda. By 1991 census, Mbarara Distirct including Ibanda, Isingiro and Kiruhura, had 100,000 Baganda.

Then Kigezi is predominantly Bakiga, Bahororo, Bafumbira. Rwenzoori is of Batooro, Bakonjo, Bamba, Banyabindi, Basongora etc..Bunyoro; Banyoro, Bagungu, Bacope, Bahuma, Bakiga, Baganda etc….That is your Ankole or Western Uganda.

However in my view, offices like Chief of Defence Forces, Deputy Chief of Defence Forces, Commander of Land Forces, Commander of Air Force, Chief of Marines, Inspector General of Police, Deputy Inspector General of Police, Commissioner General of Prisons, Deputy Commissioner General of prisons, have been politicized just like cabinet ministers and RDCs.

They should be regionally balanced. But it should be gradual. Obote l had Opolot as CDF, Amin as Army Chief of Staff, Oryema as IGP and Okurut as Prisons C.G. They were all coming from the North and North East.

Amin had Maj. Francis Nyangwezo, Brig. Malera, Mustafa Adrisi, Isac Lumago and Yusuf Gowon as Army Chiefs of Staff. Other than Nyangweso, the rest hailed from his home region of West Nile. He had Colt. Toko and Brig.Guweddeko as Air Force Chief. Toko was from West Nuile and Guweddeko from Buganda, he later killed him. The Inspector General of Police was Luke Ofingi and later Kassim Obura. Commissioner General of Prisons was Kiyonga, from my home Mawogola county, whom he later killed, and replaced him with the late Gyagenda, who was formerly Commissioner of Buganda Prisons.

During UNLF days of Lule , Binaisa and Muwanga, people raised why both the Army Commander and the Chief of Staff were from the North. They were told that those were the ones who pioneered the nati Amin struggle. When Oyite Ojok died in a rush in 1983, he was replaced by Smith Opon Acaka, who served Uganda Army until 1977. The Acholis were not happy. When Binaisa tried to get another Chief of Staff, he had brought in Sam Nnyumba. But that was short lived.

When Olara Otunu’s Junta came in, the CDF was Lt.Gen.Bazilio Olara Okello as the Commander in Chief was Gen. Tito Okello Lutwa. The Army Chief of Staff was Maj. Gen. Zeddy Maruru.

NRA had Ahmed Sseeguya and Magara in the bush, and Elly Tumwone, Salim Saleh, Mugisha muntu, Jeje Odong, James Kaziini and Aronda in peace times. The deputies included Fred Rwigyema, Brig.Joram Mugume and Lt. Gen.Ivan Koreta, a FRONASA veteran. Chiefs of Staff include Fredrick Oketcho, Sam Nannyumba, Fred Tolit, Cheif Ali, Nakabius Lakra, James Kaziini, among others.

Amin’s Commissioner General was Kigoonya from Kikoma, in Mawogola not Kiyonga. Kigoonya family had a Mailo land estate in Mawogola which is still in existance. He was suspected to have collaborated with guerillas based in Tanzania and was not given a fair trial, like other Amin’s victims.

Had UFM won the war, the CDF or Army Chief of Staff would have been Maj. Oboma, their original Chief of Staff, had he not been killed by his fellow Acholis in UNLA, or a Pakistani Sajjad Sorri, and his successors whom l don’t remember as by 1985 UFM was no more but in name. Then if it was FEDEMU, lT. Lt. Col. George Nkwanga and probably Brig. Kasirye Gwanga. If it was UNRF. It would have been Maj.Amin Onzi. If it was FUNA, major generals Isaac Lumago, Yusuf Gowon.

Fortunately all those forces were integrated into NRA now UPDF including former rebels, UPDM/UPDA, HSM, UPA, NALU, LRA, UNRF II, WNBF, ADF etc……

The President be given time to make a regional balance on what l regard as politicized but not technical positions.

In my view, technical offices are those like Joint Chief of Staff, Land Forces Chief of Staff, Chief of Air Staff etc…..The president can arrest the situation before it is politicized further.

Ahmed Katerega
UAH forumist/journalist
http://ugandansatheart.org/2009/08/25/updf-is-certainly-better-than-obote-and-amins-armies/

HON JIMMY AKENA WAS NEVER INVOLVED IN THE JUST ENDED CRISIS OF "YOUTH TAKE OVER" ACTION AT UPC HEAD QUARTERS AT ALL.

Dear All,

 Dear UPC Netters and Ugandans at Hearts,

I write to correct the misinformation and  disinformation on the recent "youth take over" action that paralyzed activity at the UPC head quarters between Tuesday 6th December 2011 to Friday 9th November 2011.   HON JIMMY AKENA WAS NEVER INVOLVED AT ALL IN THE RECENT YOUTH TAKE OVER CRISIS IN UGANDA HOUSE...!  I have crossed checked the facts in the last 24 hours and I have no doubt in my mind that Hon Jimmy Akena Obote was NEVER involved.

I  Leonard Okello is the one who walked Dr. Olara Otunnu out of Kenya Airways on August 21st 2009 after 30 years in exile. I am also the one who coordinated his campaign strategy  that took him to the UPC Presidency.  I am the one who also refused to actively participate in Dr. Otunnu's campaign bid for the Uganda Presidency  because by September 2010 it became clear to me that this was a waste of time because Dr. Otunnu himself had personally  taken certain decisions on how to organize his campaign that had simply set himself for a miserable failure at the Feb 2011 polls.

I can say with authority that the recent troubles are right at his foot steps and that he, Dr. Otunnu, knows that truth very well. The youth have also clearly stated their concerns  and have agreed to put it in writing to UPC leadership for the next weeks cabinet meeting consideration.  The  latest problems with the UPC youth started at the UPC National Council meeting in May 2011 held at the Ankra Foundation in Mukono. In this meeting the idea  of   re-establish a UPC Youth League and a UPC Women's League was discussed at length. Dr. Otunnu was not willing to take any of these proposals, and at the end of a long heated debate it was agreed that the Party President  leads a review of youth leagues across the region to make recommendation for presentation to the next national council meeting to take a final decision and this is still to happen. The youth are losing patience with the party leadership on the question of the UPC youth programme.  There is no way that this concerns can be blamed on Hon, Jimmy Akena when leaders of the party have not given a clear answer to the youth. Most of the people now leading this country in NRM and other parties started their long journey in UPC youth wing (Hon Jaberi Bidandi Ssali) , in the National Union of Students of Uganda (NUSU- e.g. Hon. Ruhakana Rugunda and myself Leonard Okello) and in the national Union of Youth Organisations (NUYO). If the leaders of UPC at that time adopted  mean attitude towards youth leadership development and only saw youth activism as a risky venture that they could not dare leave with the way I see today in UPC, these leaders would probably not be around serving this country. There is no political organization that can have a future without a clear youth mobilisation, recruitment and development programme. Dr Otunnu has to show leadership from this youth crisis at the party head quarters and come out clear with what exactly he wants of a youth programme.  Let those who are concerned not use the  Akena Jimmy and Museveni scape goat to hide their lack delivery of a youth programme.

THE UPC YOUTH HAVE SPOKEN AND  THE UPC LEADERSHIP MUST RESPOND EFFECTIVELY...!


 Solidarity

Leonard Okello

Friday, 9 December 2011

Africa is pushing for more say in aid spending

Africa recently turned the tables by insisting that "aid effectiveness" should become "development effectiveness" and it looks like it has won the debate. This is not a matter of semantics. Africa insists Africa should lead in decisions about where, how and when aid should be applied. It also insists that "no country in the world has developed by targeting poverty", which has been the predominant tendency in foreign aid. Africa’s new confidence in the international arena also comes from new developments on the continent. First, there has been a substantial improvement in financial governance. Second, most commodity prices have risen a great deal on international markets, accounting for impressive growth. Third, there are new partners in China, India and Brazil, whose economies are thirsty for Africa’s resources.

The change in direction came in Tunis last year, when the African Development Bank (ADB), the African Union (AU) Commission and the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (Nepad), supported by the United Nations Economic Commission of Africa (Uneca), called a conference to launch the African Platform for Development Effectiveness.
http://www.nepad.org/crosscuttingissues/news/2579/africa-pushing-more-say-aid-spending 

findings from randomized evaluations of Microfinance

This paper summarizes research findings from a new body of empirical evidence that uses randomized evaluations to compare how one group responds to access to specific new financial services against how a comparable group fares without those services. It goes back to the first studies that used this approach and summarizes a series of research studies presented at the October 2010 Microfinance Impact and Innovation Conference in New York.

The paper reviews results from randomized evaluations that measure the impact of microcredit and microsavings on business investment and creation, consumption, and household well-being. It presents evidence from evaluations of products and delivery design. It also discusses the evidence on microinsurance products.
http://www.cgap.org/gm/document-1.9.55766/FORUM2.pdf 

Sustainable insight - COP17 in Durban: Opportunities for the entrepreneurial, risks for the unaware

This edition of Sustainable Insight is intended as a business briefing on the COP17 talks in Durban. It seeks to set out the key issues that will be debated, to draw out the points of relevance for business and to set the event in a business context. The key issues include discussion on adaptation that will occur in Durban 2011. The outcomes will be particularly relevant to businesses involved in sectors such as agriculture and infrastructure that will be key to delivering adaptive solutions in the future. http://www.kpmg.com/Global/en/IssuesAndInsights/ArticlesPublications/sustainable-insight/Documents/cop-17.pdf

Resource mobilization strategy for energy in the African continent

The presentation gives background information about the energy industry including generation, transmission, distribution and energy trade. It summarises the types of investment in the energy sector and the requirements that need to be met in order to create conducive environment for the mobilization of resources for project’ implementation. The presentation ends with proposing a strategy for attending to the energy shortage problem in Africa and a mode of cooperation between NEPAD and OECD. http://www.nepad.org/system/files/NEPAD-OECD%20presentation,%20Johannesburg%20Nov%202009.pdf 

Australia’s strategic approach to aid in Africa 2011-2015

This report outlines the Australian Government’s proposed strategy for its aid program in Africa. It aims to help reduce poverty and achieve sustainable development in Africa by supporting progress against meeting the MDGs. Australia’s aid program is principally focused on three sectors—maternal and child health, water and sanitation, and agriculture and food security.The aid program will also continue to help to build African countries’ and institutions’ human resource capacity. Natural resource management, where Australia has particular expertise, is another area where help will be provided, to ensure the benefits of natural resources flow to improved development outcomes.